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Will the BJP save Muslim women?

Updated: Feb 1, 2021

Indian Muslims have always been free to apply their own personal laws - concerning marriage, divorce and inheritance. Congress upheld legal pluralism, so as not to aggravate the minority. Modi has no such reservations. He is pursuing a Uniform Civil Code, and presents this as a victory for Muslim women. He's probably right. A UCC would improve gender equality - if women can claim their equal rights. To do so, they need economic autonomy and public safety.


  • Conservative opposition to state interference

  • What do Muslim women want?

  • Would a UCC advance equality?

  • Are Muslims more patriarchal?

  • The impacts of communal violence

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Conservative opposition to state interference

Under Muslim Personal Law, a man was only obliged to support his divorced wife for three months. After this iddat period, the divorce was complete. He was no longer liable.

In direct contravention of divine law, Indira Gandhi’s government legislated that all divorced women were entitled to maintenance. This 1973 amendment of the Criminal Procedure Code applied to all women, including Muslims.

Shah Bano

Claiming her legal rights, Shah Bano (a divorced, elderly woman in Madhya Pradesh) appealed to the Supreme Court. She won.

Progressive Muslims supported the Supreme Court ruling. Writing to Rajiv Gandhi, they highlighted that divorced women enjoyed the right to maintenance in a number of Muslim countries: Morocco, Iraq, Egypt, Turkey, Libya, Tunisia, Syria and Algeria. Women’s organisations also expressed support.

Conservatives were outraged. The ‘All Indian Muslim Personal Law Board’ (formed after the Cr.PC amendment) deeply opposed judicial interference. They mobilised huge rallies across the country. 300,000 marched in Bombay. They demonstrated that any effort to overrule divine law would be resisted. Keen to preserve their support, Rajiv Gandhi’s government legislated that divorced Muslim women were no longer entitled to maintenance.

Gathering at the 25th All India Muslim Personal Law Board Conference in Kolkata. Photo: PTI

Fast-forward forty years, the BJP is in power. It has no compunctions about aggravating Muslims. Parliament has criminalised triple talaq. A man who repeats ‘I divorce you’ may find himself imprisoned for three years. Heeding concerns from Muslim women, this law provides some protection against desertion and destitution.

But the benefits should not be over-stated. Criminalising triple talaq only means that women are still married to men who would rather abandon them. This is no guarantee of equal respect or resources within marriage. Nor does it reduce sexist violence.

For many, this was just another attempt to hound and persecute Muslim men.

What do Muslim women want?

Muslim women have organised to reform family laws, improve women's autonomy, and protect them from abuse. In Tamil Nadu, Muslim women organised their own jamaat, independent from male-run mosque committees. STEPS publishes a magazine on Muslim women’s rights, listens to women’s petitions, organises discussions, and provides legal aid. In Lucknow, they formed an All-India Muslim Women’s Personal Law Board. Several women's courts have been established by the Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan (Muslim Women's Movement of India). Female qazis listen and provide advice. As one activist explained,

There are so many rights given to women in the Qur’an that are not found in the books of any other religion. But the religious authorities mislead people, they misuse their position.. The ulama are an almost entirely male group. They give everything a patriarchal interpretation... interpreting the texts to suit their own interests.

Would a Uniform Civil Code advance gender equality?

Yes - if women can claim their equal rights. To do so, they need economic autonomy and public safety. But India's rate of female employment is low and falling. Men go out into the world, run family businesses, migrate to new economic opportunities, and resolve community disputes.

As long as women are economically dependent on male guardians, they're unlikely to make claims or agitate against them. Hindu women are legally entitled to divorce and alimony, but this does not seem to improve their capacity to leave abusive men. Divorce rates remain very low. Hindu women rarely claim their inheritance – for fear of alienating kin.

Family courts are seen by many women as slow, corrupt, and unsympathetic. Legal cases tend to languish for years, requiring funds that many women do not have. Taking private matters to court is widely considered shameful.

Even if women do approach the courts, keen to file for divorce, they are often encouraged to reunite. ‘Where will she go? What will she do?’ - asked one social worker at the Madras Family Court. Even if alimony was duly paid, it would still be insufficient. In Delhi, Hindu women are usually encouraged to reconcile with their abusive husbands. Low female employment and property ownership are major constraints.

Are Muslims more patriarchal?

Muslim women are more much more likely to practise purdah. They are less likely to participate in the labour force, and earn money - find Desai and Temsah, analysing nationally representative data.

But religion makes no difference to women’s household decision-making - concerning what to cook, whether to buy expensive items, how many children to have, their health care, and marriages. Religion makes no difference to female autonomy. It is more freely exercised in the South – as shown by Jejeebhoy and Sathar. In terms of child mortality, Muslim families are actually more egalitarian. Muslim daughters have better chances of survival.

Gendered outcomes for Hindu and Muslim women (Desai & Temsah)

*I am NOT endorsing the above cartoon. I'm just showing how Modi's supporters depict Muslims.

The impacts of communal violence

After the riots in Gujarat, which displaced 200,000 people

Muslim communities are increasingly ghettoised. Communities seek to protect themselves (especially women) from external attack.

In 2002, a train was burnt in Gujarat (killing 58 Hindu pilgrims). In retaliation, there was sustained communal violence. Women and young girls were stripped, paraded naked, gang-raped, mutilated, quartered and burnt.

[I] fell behind as I was carrying my son, Faizan. The men caught me from behind and threw me on the ground. Faizan fell from my arms and started crying. My clothes were stripped off by the men and I was left stark naked. One by one the men raped me. All the while I could hear my son crying. I lost count after three. They then cut my foot with a sharp weapon and left me there in that state - Sultani.
My mind was seething with fear and fury. I could do nothing to help my daughter from being assaulted sexually and tortured to death. My daughter was like a flower, still to experience life. Why did they have to do this to her? What kind of men are these? The monsters tore my beloved daughter to pieces. After a while, the mob was saying cut them to pieces, leave no evidence. I saw fires being lit. After some time the mob started leaving. And it became quiet - Medina.

After the massacre, Muslim women feared leaving the ghetto:

I am worried that if I go to Satellite [a Hindu-dominated area], I have to cross at least 10 Dalit neighbourhoods. If somewhere they catch me, the first thing they will do to me is rape, then they will kill me or burn me. So rape is the foremost fear – Farida.

By remaining in their ghetto and veiling, Muslim women can mark themselves as community members and secure local protection. By shrinking their worlds, women gain safety.

Some women want to venture out - for school, work and leisure - but are constrained. After the riots, Muslim women experience heightened surveillance, stricter dress codes, and earlier curfews.

The men decided that they did not want their women to go out because it meant crossing the other community's areas, so the world of the women just shrank - Noorjehan Safia Niaz (activist)
We find that after the riots, many more parents do not want to send their children to school outside the area -- Dr Shehnaz Shaikh (school principal).
You can't do what you want to do. You pursue a job that fits in with their ideas of appropriate timings for girls to be out, so usually you become a teacher - Asiya.

Feeling threatened and under siege, Muslim communities have tightened restrictions on women's mobility and economic autonomy. This constrains women's capacity to explore the city, loiter with friends, expand their horizons, critique unfair practices, and organise for reforms. Moreover, many Muslim women are reluctant to publicly decry Islamic practices - lest their words be weaponised by the Hindu right. Islamic organisations such as the Jamaat-e-Islamic have also gained influence by providing crucial relief. Communal violence thus seems to have exacerbated pre-existing inequalities.

In sum, a Uniform Civil Code would advance gender equality - if women can claim their equal rights. To do so, they need economic autonomy and public safety. This holds for Muslim and Hindu women alike.
After riots in New Delhi, 2020. Photo credit AFP.

Excellent resources on Muslim gender relations

Bhayat, Sabera. 2017. ‘A Historical Perspective on Polygamy and Muslim Personal Law Reform in India’. Sabera Bhayat. Retrieved 7 January 2021

Brulé, Rachel E. 2020. Women, Power, and Property: The Paradox of Gender Equality Laws in India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Carroll, Lucy. 1983. ‘The Muslim Family in India: Law, Custom, and Empirical Research’. Contributions to Indian Sociology 17(2):205–22.

Ghosh, Partha S. 2018. The Politics of Personal Law in South Asia : Identity, Nationalism and the Uniform Civil Code. Routledge India.

Grover, Shalini. 2017. Marriage, Love, Caste and Kinship Support: Lived Experiences of the Urban Poor in India. 1st edition. Routledge.

Hasan, Zoya, and Ritu Menon. 2006. Unequal Citizens: A Study of Muslim Women in India. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press.

Jejeebhoy, Shireen J., and Zeba A. Sathar. 2001. ‘Women’s Autonomy in India and Pakistan: The Influence of Religion and Region’. Population and Development Review 27(4):687–712.

Jones, Justin. 2020. ‘Towards a Muslim Family Law Act? Debating Muslim Women’s Rights and the Codification of Personal Laws in India’. Contemporary South Asia 28(1):1–14.

Jones, Justin. 2021. ‘“Acting upon Our Religion”: Muslim Women’s Movements and the Remodelling of Islamic Practice in India’. Modern Asian Studies 55(1):40–74.

Kaur, Lakshmi Devi, Manvinder. 2019. ‘Purdah or Ghunghat, a Powerful Means to Control Women: A Study of Rural Muslim and Non-Muslim Women in Western Uttar Pradesh, India - Lakshmi Devi, Manvinder Kaur, 2019’. Indian Journal of Gender Studies.

Khan, Sameera. 2007. ‘Negotiating the Mohalla: Exclusion, Identity and Muslim Women in Mumbai’. Economic and Political Weekly 42(17):1527–33.

Kirmani, Nida. 2013. Questioning the ‘Muslim Woman’: Identity and Insecurity in an Urban Indian Locality. 1st edition. London: Routledge India.

Kumar, Megha. 2016. Communalism and Sexual Violence in India: The Politics of Gender, Ethnicity and Conflict. First Edition. London; New York, NY: I.B.Tauris.

Lateef, Shahida. 1990. Muslim Women in India: Political and Private Realities, 1890s-1980s. Zed Books.

Lemons, Katherine. 2010. ‘At the Margins of Law: Adjudicating Muslim Families in Contemporary Delhi’. UC Berkeley.

Lindberg, Anna. 2009. ‘Islamisation, Modernisation, or Globalisation? Changed Gender Relations among South Indian Muslims’. South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 32(1):86–109.

Mullally, Siobhan. 2004. ‘Feminism and Multicultural Dilemmas in India: Revisiting the Shah Bano Case’. Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 24(4):671–92.

Niaz, Noorjehan Safia, and Zakia Soman. 2015. ‘Muslim Women’s Views on Muslim Personal Law (No. of Pages: 4)’. Economic & Political Weekly, December 19.

Parashar, Archana. 1992. Women and Family Law Reform in India: Uniform Civil Code and Gender Equality. 1st edition. Sage Publications Pvt. Ltd.

Robinson, Rowena. 2010. ‘Boundary Battles: Muslim Women and Community Identity in the Aftermath of Violence’. Women’s Studies International Forum 33(4):365–73.

Tschalaer, Mengia Hong. 2017. Muslim Women’s Quest for Justice: Gender, Law and Activism in India. Cambridge University Press.

Vatuk, Sylvia. 2008. ‘Islamic Feminism in India: Indian Muslim Women Activists and the Reform of Muslim Personal Law’. Modern Asian Studies 42(2/3):489–518.

Vatuk, Sylvia. 2013. ‘The “Women’s Court” in India: An Alternative Dispute Resolution Body for Women in Distress’. The Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law 45(1):76–103.

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Unknown member
Feb 09, 2022

Criticizing this legislation means you support the unfairness of men having the right to stipulate divorce on their own terms. If you support triple talaaq, this blog post.. I don't think is feminist, but actually perpetuating male superiority. If you r saying this is not enough, no one is dumb enough to know that. I can't understand the purpose of this blog post really.


Unknown member
Feb 09, 2022

This was my first read from your blog. Never doing it again !!


Unknown member
Feb 09, 2022

What's the relation between Muslim divorce rights and the godhra case. As usual, this complete irrelevance and lack of logic is driven by hatred for the BJP. If you are followed by thousands, you should be mature enough to be able to atheist subside your biases. By the , we should not forget how many Hindu women have been raped and mutilated by Muslim men during riots.


Unknown member
Mar 13, 2021

An excellent post as ever. Is there an argument that greater segregation by religion might actually assist female empowerment (all else being equal)? I understand there would be fewer job opportunities in total but perhaps women would feel a higher rate of willingness to take them and so have better economic outcomes? Of course, we do not want this but is it worth pondering and seeing the silver lining in?

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